Date: Thu, 24 Oct 1996 10:59:16 -0600 (MDT)
Subject: M-TH: Foley on LTV
Below is Duncan Foley in response to Brewer on the LTV. The section is
titled:
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"Labor Theory of Value an Exploitation" (HOPE, 1995, pp. 160-1).
Marx took the labor theory of vlaue from Ricardo and Smith as the
accepted, dominant economic theory of his time. He made a few clarifying
emendations to Ricardo, emphasizing, for example, that value is
determined by socially necessary labor-time, so that commodities produced
by backward and wasteful techniques have the same value as similar
commodities produced by up-to-date techniques, and that only labor
expended to produce commodities for exchange ('social labor' in Marx's
language) could be regarded as producing exchange value, as well as
use-value. He felt, as far as I can see, no need to prove the labor
theory of value. (I interpret his remarks about equalization of
commodities in exchange showing that they have some property in common as
aimed pedagogically at helping the reader to understand how value works
conceptually rather than as an attempt to justify the theory itself.)
Marx saw the scientific importance of the labor theory of value not in
contrast to marginalist theories but in contrast to earlier theories of
'just price' and physiocratic theories attributing all value added to
agricultural production. Marx seems quite 'modern' in this respect. He
saw value as an ongoing expression of the market regulation of resource
allocation and thus as an expression of the humanity activity underlying
production.
Above all, Marx was interesed in the labor theory of value as a
way linking capitalist forms of economic organization with earlier class
forms of organization such as slavery and serfdom. He saw in Ricardo's
theory of distribution a direct representation of the appropriation of a
social surplus product in the form of a surplus value by capitalists as
a class. Thus for Marx the labor theory of value is important as an
account of the production of value added at the social level and its
distribution among classes, not as a theory of the prices of particular
commodities. He did rather ingeniously and successfully show the general
method by which apparent anomalies to the labor theory of value (land
rent, taxes, interest on the public debt, deviations of price from labor
values) could be reconciled logically with the theory by considering
them as redistributins of a given flow of surplus value.
All modern criticisms of the labor theory of value, including the
versions Brewer puts forward, assume a model in which the endowment of
resources is taken as given and indict the labor theory of value for
coming to erroneous conclusions within this framework. There are,
however, serious conceptual problems with the notion of the total social
endowment of resources: for example, could it be defined and measured
operationally even in principle? Without a well-defined endowment of basic
resources, marginalist methods cannot determine realtive prices. Thus
I, for one, am not convinced that the admittedly partial logic of Marx's
and Ricardo's approach is more defective than the logic of marginalist or
general equilibrium solutions to the problem of price determination at
this very high level of abstraction.
There is no arguing with the fact that economics refounded itself
conceptually in the late-nineteenth-century marginalist revolution,
abandoning the labor theory of value for a different paradigm and that, as
a result, little further work has been done developing Marx's and
Ricardo's theory. I myself suspect (but leave it to more knowledgeable
students of econmic thought to prove) that Marx's reinerpretation of
Ricardo's theory as a theory of exploitation had an important negative or
'dialectical' influence on the development of marginalist thinking,
precisely because of the marginalists' ideological rejection of
exploitation theories and their need to find an alternative and
ideologially more comfortable way to represent capitalist social relations.
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