Date: Sat, 1 Feb 1997 15:48:08 +0000
Subject: M-G: conscious dialectics.
I have only just caught up with some of the exchanges on dialectics.
It seems to me that this discussion is of itself undialectical
because it reproduces the separation of theory and practice.
Marx did'nt write his "3 printers sheets" on dialectics for a good reason.
Dialectics was already in his method, and he didnt have any reason to believe
that latter-day marxists would fail to understand his method and be in need of
a primer on dialectics. It was Lenin who had to go back to dialectics to restore
Marx's method after the damage done by the `revisisonists'. But since Lenin
claimed that we had to read the `whole of Hegel's logic' to understand Marx,
the Grundrisse has been published. The Grundrisse is the work which shows
most clearly how Marx employed his dialectical method and explains the
changes he made afterwards. We also have the lessons of revolutionary
marxism which are an application of Marx's method to guide us - more below.
These are our Marxist primers on dialectics.
In Grundrisse Marx talks of his method of abstraction, which means
going from the concrete to the abstract in order to reconstitute the
concrete in thought. But he still begins his formation of categories as the
level of `general abstractions', that is, human society in general.
He later realises that his real starting point, a given mode of
production, must also be his methodological starting point. Real
abstractions refer only to a given historical mode of production,
capitalism. To the extent we know anything about past modes or
future modes it is only through their survivals or pre-figurations
under capitalism. This is because the method of abstraction when
applied in `general', can only be as a result of abstracting a
trans-historical essence outside the concrete reality of capitalism.
For Marx then, dialectics necessarily requires the unity of objective
and subjective realities. This can only happen in a real society
composed of forces of production, social relations and the
corresponding ideal and political forms which form a contradictory
totality. Thus the objective forces/relations contradiction can
only be motivated by subjective class struggle over the share of the
product. While this subjective struggle may be alienated or reified,
the purpose of Marxist dialectics is to reconstitute the conrete in
the form of `class consciousness' to render society transparent and
to bring about social revolution. The defining feature of Marxist
dialectics over Hegelian dialectics is that for Marx the conscious,
subjective/objective production and reproduction of humanity
under specific social relations is the cause of social development,
and not the alienated god. More about this below.
As Andrew makes clear knowledge of `nature' must also occur by the
same method. Nature is rendered social because it can only be known
socially. That knowledge of nature which we call science is generated
as part of the forces of production under given social relations. To the
extent that knowledge allows an appropriation of nature, then it is dialectical.
Without this objective/subjective unity we cannot say that Nature obeys
the laws of dialectics. With this unity, dialectics of nature are integral to
society - hence Mark's point about the end of DNA evolution is one
where a non-dialectical process becomes subordinated to a dialectical law.
`Human nature' which can only be expressed under concrete
historical conditions, is part of a larger nature which is humanised in the service
of human nature. We can apply `general abstractions' and say that a `nature'
preceded humanity, and exists independently, but those abstractions are not
dialectical. Why? Because we cannot subjectively unite with such ahistorical
abstractions.
Marx's critique of political economy based on his dialectical method
showed how ahistorical abstractions rendered bourgeois society
universal, through its alienated forms. This includes all forms of
the Transcendental Subject which is no more than an alienated
ahistorical abstraction, whether god for Hegel and Kant, or humanity for
Feuerbach. But while Marx provided the broad method, subsequent
marxists have bastardised this method to hell. Conscious dialectics
for Marx means applying Marxism as the critique of bourgeois ideology
that will liberate the working class as the revolutionary class. How
can be do this when most modern marxists do not understand Marx's
method, and have no idea how to apply it.
To overcome these barriers we have to see Lenin and Trotsky as the
major exemplars of 20th century Marxism. Lets start by recognising
that Lenin and Trotsky worked to complete the analysis of capital by
"reconstituting the concrete" in all its compexity as a world system made
up of nation states, international trade and international relations.
What else are "Imperialism" and "The state and revolution" but applying
the Marxist method to the particular conditions of Russia as a semi-colony
within an imperialist world economy dominated by monopoly capital and a few
powerful states?
For Lenin the truth was concrete. This can only mean that dialectics
is abstracting from surface appearances to real determined
abstractions and back to the surface in the form of real complex
concrete realilty. This provided the knowledge of the complex
concrete totality within which the development of Russia was
occuring. Taking this analysis further Trotsky developed his
understanding of the imperialist world order as one of "uneven and
combined development", in which imperialism developed the world
unevenly, partly as the result of combining pre-capitalist modes
with colonial and semi-colonial capitalism. Out of this analysis
came programmatic and organisational consequences. Even though Lenin
and Trotsky were at odds on these questions until 1917 there were
nonetheless breakthroughs.
Most important these developments showed that the Marxist method
applied under revolutionary conditions in Russia was a victory for
dialectics over the ossified, conservative and ultimately
counter-revolutionary European Marxism. While in Europe, so-called
marxists adapted to imperialism as `social imperialism'; that is,
colonisation was the price of maturing capitalism until it was ripe
for socialism, Trotsky recognised the reality that in a weak, backward
semi-colony where the bourgeoisie could not fight for independence from
imperialism, this task would fall to the working class and must necessarily
call for the transformation of the bourgeois revolution into a socialist revolution.
The second major development was in party organisation. If dialectics
enabled revolutionaries to understand the concrete truth of the unity
of objective and subjective conditons, then how could they mobilise the
working class to rise to a socialist revolution? The only answer
that is consistent with conscious dialectics is a vanguard party
which embodies a Marxist method, theory and programme and which is
organised in such a way as to mobilise the masses around this
programme. The organisational principle which reflects conscious
dialectics is democratic centralism. How else can method, theory and
programme be consciously applied in such a way as to advance the
class struggle unless by this principle? First, it is the members of
the vanguard, the cadres trained in Marxist method, who must
democratically decide on programme. Then, this programme must be
applied in a disciplined way to test its validity. As the result of
such revolutionary leadership the unconscious, alienated struggle becomes
a conscious struggle and it capable of transforming the working class into a
revolutionary class.
The Marxist revolutionary tradition demonstrates clearly what the
dialectical method is, and the programmatic and organisational gains
that have been won as a result must be defended at all costs. This
is why a discussion of dialectics which does not reproduce the whole
objective/subjective unity of marxist theory and practice, and learn
and apply the important lessons, is not dialectical.
Dave
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